28 Nov 2020: Indian Express Editorial Analysis

Indian Express Editorial Analysis
28 November 2020

1) Reaching Out-

GS 2- Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements involving India and/or affecting India’s interests

 

CONTEXT:

  1. It could be a coincidence that three top officials of the government are touring neighbouring countries or the near abroad at the same time.
  2. But their visits- External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar is in Seychelles after Bahrain and the UAE, National Security Advisor Ajit K Doval in Sri Lanka, and Foreign Secretary Harsh Shringla in Nepal- underline that India's relationships with countries in the region need urgent attention.
  3. All these outreaches at the highest levels comes at a time of aggravated tensions between India and China at the Line of Actual Control.

 

CHALLENGES TO REGIONAL DIPLOMACY:

  1. Divided Subcontinent on the Religious Lines: The problems generated by the partition of India divided the subcontinent on religious lines. This continues to affect regional integration even today.
  2. Further, challenges of settling boundaries, sharing river-waters, protecting the rights of minorities, and easing the flow of goods and people, affects regional diplomacy.
  3. Emergence of China: China annexed Tibet 1950-51, this marked the arrival of China at the Indo-Tibetan frontier. This profoundly transformed the geopolitical condition of India.
  4. Beyond the bilateral territorial dispute between India and China, the emergence of a powerful state on India’s frontiers affected India’s relationship with its neighbouring countries.
  5. Closed Economic Model: Independent India’s conscious choice was in favour of protectionism, which led to a steady deterioration of commercial connectivity with the neighbours.
  6. Influence of Domestic Politics: India’s domestic politics always had an impact on our regional policy. The same is true of our neighbours, whose domestic politics impact their engagement with India.For example:
  7. Issue of Tamils has been a dominant factor in India’s Sri Lanka policy.
  8. West-Bengal’s Chief Minister pulled out of the Teesta Waters agreement between India And Bangladesh.
  9. Delhi had for too long tended to take its influence in this region for granted, depending on its cultural links and old established ties with political elites, and overlooking the changing political and economic dynamic of these smaller neighbours.
  10. From these capitals, there is now a different view of Indian influence in the region from what it was even a decade ago, especially when some of decisions taken in Delhi seemed to go against their interests.
  11. Not surprisingly, deep-pocketed China offered an attractive way to leverage relations with India.
  12. Dhaka's anger at India's new citizenship law and Nepal's map adventure were eye-openers on how politicians and policy-makers in Delhi are sometimes unable to join the emerging dots in the region.

 

WAY FORWARD:

Policy of the Government of India towards neighbours is encapsulated in the phrase, ‘Neighbourhood First’. However, in order to fully realise this vision, India and other countries in neighbourhood must realise that anything that happens in one country will affect the other countries in the neighbourhood. In this context:

  1. Policy Non-interference: The size of India is an important factor in the way our neighbours view India and its policies. India accounts for a major chunk of the land area, population, economic activity, resources, of South Asia.
    1. Therefore, India needs to be conscious of its neighbours discomfort of having to deal with a big neighbours and must follow the policy of non-interference in domestic affairs.
    2. Similarly, neighbouring countries must ensure their relations with other countries must not undermine strategic interest of India.
  2. Establishing a Border Commission: Demarcation of India external boundaries is yet to be completed. Resolution of border disputes will pave way for stable regional integration.
    1. Thus, India must strive for resolution of border by establishing a border commission.
  3. Broader Lens of Foregin Policy Goals: Integrating India’s regional economic and foreign policy remains a major challenge. Therefore, India should resist compromising bilateral relationships with neighbours for short economic interests.
    1. Further, the countries in India’s neighbourhood should strive for economic integration that has helped countries to overcome their political differences by creating economic interdependencies.
  4. Improving Regional Connectivity: India’s economic reorientation since 1991 and the rediscovery of regionalism did open possibilities for reconnecting with its neighbours.
    1. Thus, connectivity must be pursued with greater vigour while security concerns are addressed through cost-effective, efficient and reliable technological measures which are in use in other parts of the world.
  5. Implementing Gujral’s Doctrine: India’ neighbourhood policy should be based on the principles of Gujral Doctrine. This would ensure India’s stature and strength cannot be isolated from the quality of its relations with its neighbours and there can be regional growth as well.

 

CONCLUSION:

  1. Jaishankar's visit to Seychelles will signal that India remains interested in the Assumption Island infrastructure project.
  2. Shringla's visit to Kathmandu will hopefully take forward the repair of bilateral ties, a work in progress.
  3. Doval's participation in a trilateral meeting on maritime security with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in Colombo, after the foreign secretary's visit earlier this month to the Maldivian capital, should help reiterate that Delhi is a friend apart from being their closest neighbour.

 

2) Winds from Punjab

GS 3

Issues related to Direct and Indirect Farm Subsidies and Minimum Support Prices

 

CONTEXT:

  1. The central government may, by hook or crook, ride out the current Punjab-based farmers’ agitation. But the underlying logic of the situation can sow the seeds of a long-term crisis.
  2. The existential stakes in this agitation for both the farmers and the government are high; but the possibility of a good faith material resolution of the problem is low. This has the makings of a perfect storm.

 

THE FARMERS’ PROTEST

  1. The farmers have increasingly seen their political identities being marginalised due to growing economic complexity. The power of unions has been weakened.
  2. So the three agricultural acts, which are going to affect Punjab the most, are providing a point of reference for the larger political significance of farmers.

 

  • The Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020 - This bill seeks to ensure that the sale or purchase of wheat or paddy is not allowed below the Minimum Support Price (MSP) in Punjab. Also, it provides for punishment for harassing farmers or paying less than the MSP.
  • The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020 – This bill is in connection to the imprisonment of not less than 3 years and fines for sale and purchase of wheat or paddy under a farming agreement below the MSP.
  • Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill, 2020 – This bill seeks to prevent hoarding and black-marketing of agricultural produce and ensure status quo ante (previously existing state of affairs) with the implementation of the Central Act namely, ‘The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020’.

 

INTENDED BENEFITS OF THE BILLS

  1. The Bills aims to get rid of Centre’s intervention in agro-trade by creating trading areas free of brokers and taxes outside the ambit of the Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs).
  2. Farmers will have an option to sell their produce directly to these zones without third parties or paying taxes like Mandi fees. 
  3.    in warehousing, grading and other marketing infrastructures.
  4. Also, these bills enable the creation of Farmer Producer Organisations (FPO) on a large scale and will help in creation of contract farming opportunities for small farmers.
  5. Promulgation of ‘One Nation, One Market’ for agricultural produce.
  6. The bills aim to remove stock holding limits do away with curbs on inter-State and intra-State trade while paving the way for easy transactions.

 

FARMERS SENSE POLITICAL TURMOIL

  1. There is a sense that if the government can get away with promulgating such significant legislation without adequate consultation with farmers, it will sound the death knell of farmers as a political force.
  2. The government’s typically haughty refusal to engage with the Punjab farmers has only compounded this feeling.
  3. There will have to be far-reaching changes to agriculture in the near future, in part prompted by environmental concerns.
  4. The sense that the farmers will be at the receiving end of these changes rather than shaping them propels the need for a show of strength.
  5. If they lose, they are marginalised forever. There is also an interesting question of how much of this movement might actually be in control of the farmer leaders.

 

PUNJAB STATISTICS

  1. Punjab has always been politically sensitive. But it has economically been in a cul de sac as well.
  2. According to the State Economic Survey, it has a youth unemployment rate of 21 per cent young people stuck in a nether zone where they can neither be fully farmers nor be absorbed in respectable jobs.
  3. This young constituency has also not had a focal point around which to coalesce its grievances. It may be actually sustaining the farmers agitation and potentially driving it to a greater show of strength.

 

ISSUES WITH THE CENTRE’S WAY OF DECISION MAKING

  1. The hubris (excessive pride or self-confidence) in lack of consultation, refusal to build a consensus in the state, the trampling over federalism, is a feature, not a bug, in the way it does legislation.
  2. Even in terms of Punjab politics, the government might be willing to take a few risks. The Shiromani Akali Dal, which also used to be a face of Punjab farmers, is now thoroughly discredited.
  3. The blowback from the turmoil will may make the possibility of a serious political vacuum and that no political party may be able to contain or channel grievances.
  4. The basis of a material compromise is low. The strongest ground for challenging the laws, namely that they trample over states rights, is ironically not something the state governments are fully behind.

 

FEDERALISM AT STAKE?

  1. Federalism fundamentally means that the Centre and States have the freedom to operate and rule in their own jurisdictions while coordinating with each other.  
  2. The demand for central legislation on MSP itself undercuts the federalism argument. The central government can give more of an assurance on MSP, but that is all it will be: An assurance.
  3. This could be a face-saver for both sides, but it depends on how much you trust the government. The government cannot give a credible assurance on unlimited procurement, which will be unadvisable in any case since there need to be more incentives for crop diversification in Punjab.
  4. There is a basis for the fear of the farmers in Punjab. This is not the place to go into the merits of the three bills. But whenever there is a large-scale transition there is uncertainty about how it will work out and who will bear the risk.

 

WHY ARE FARMERS PROTESTING?

  1. The farmers fear that support for public mandis and procurement is likely to decline.
  2. The fear that the bargaining power of a significant number of them might decline, without a strong state floor to support them, is real.
  3. The government could, in the spirit of conciliation, offer some commitment on procurement and support to public mandis. There is the immediate challenge of managing the agitation that arises from a dismally familiar institutional situation.

 

THE CHANGING NATURE OF PROTESTS

  1. Over the last few years, it has become more and more difficult to protest in public spaces because of arguments that the public will be inconvenienced, the instinctive suspicion that the courts have of popular protest, and the ideological construction of any protest as signifying malcontent without a cause.
  2. Governments are also wary of letting crowds collect as a show of strength, and so the impulse is to make it difficult to express protest. So if you protest, you are by definition breaking the law.
  3. This situation will produce the kinds of horrible scenes we have seen on the Punjab/Haryana/Delhi border, with barricades and water cannons being used.
  4. The government may ride out the protests but the simmering discontent will remain. Cooperative federalism is in tatters, and the weakness of political parties means protests now take an amorphous form.

 

WAY FORWARD

  1. Empower State Farmers Commissions: Decentralisation of power so that State Farmers Commissions recommended by the National Commission for Farmers empower farmers for demanding immediate remedies.
  2. Improve Trade Logistics: Funding by the government to expand the ambit of the APMC market system, improve transport services like roadways, ensure proper record of trade and services, remove trade cartels, etc.
  3. Policy of Inclusion in Decision Making: The Centre should involve the farmers while making decisions like explaining them the need of reforms and how it will benefit them and also consider their suggestions and grievances.

 

CONCLUSION

  1. It is important that the trust between the state and the farmer remains and a good faith dialogue that gives the farmers reasonable assurances and a face-saver is necessary.
  2. We have to come up with more enabling guidelines for peaceful congregation of citizens. By not allowing peaceful protest we in the long run increase rather than decrease the risk of violence. And if violence breaks out, the political dynamic can shift.

 

3) Plugging holes in welfare net

GS 2

Issues relating to the development and management of social sector.

 

CONTEXT

In the time of pandemic, many schemes of government of india like P M Jan Dhan Yojana, P M Kisan Samman Nidhi looks vain due to implementation issue.

 

PMKISAN [ P M KISAN SAMMAN NIDHI]

PMKISAN is an initiative by government of india, in which all farmers will get up to 6000 per year as minimum income support. Scheme was announced by Piyush Goyal during 2019 interim union budget of india on 2019. Scheme will cost 75,000 crore per annum. 6000 rupees per year will be paid to each eligible farmers in three installments and will be deposited directly to their bank accounts.

 

P M JAN DHAN YOJANA

1. PMJDY was launched by P M on 2014. It is a national mission with an aim to provide access to various financial services including Remittance, credit, insurance, pension, banking savings and deposit accounts in an affordable manner.

 2. with the outbreak of COVID ,finance minister made an announcement to provide rupee 500/month to every women  who have Jan Dhan Account for next three months.

 

WHAT HAPPEN DURING PANDEMIC

  1. The tax authorities who were charged with disbursing the funds had no way of knowing how to send the cheques. For taxpayers who received refunds in their bank accounts in 2018 and 2019,account information was available with the authorities. But the poor — whose incomes were below the income threshold for filing or those who owed money to the government—had to cross several hurdles to get this money and the computer system did not make it easy for the many to register their claim.
  2.  There are reports that clearing up the backlog of sending stimulus checks could take until January 2021 in some states. Such exclusion from safety net s is particularly large for racial and ethnic minorities .
  3. A  study by the National Opinion Research Centre (NORC) at the University of Chicago shows that while 24 per cent of White Americans were likely to receive unemployment benefits, only 13 per cent of Black Americans received such payment between April toJune2020.

DPSP

1. DPSP[ directive principle of state policies][ article 36-51][part 4 of indian constitution]

2. These are borrowed from the constitution of Ireland. The  Sapru committee in 1945 suggested two catagories of individual rights. One being justiciable rights and another non justiciable. Justiciable rights are fundamental right and non justiciable is DPSP. DPSP are ideals which are meant to be kept in mind by the state when it formulate policies and enact laws.

So, according to these ideals state have do according to the welfare of  people.

 

GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES  DURING PANDEMIC

  1. 23 percent of Indians living in Delhi-NCR received a payment of Rs500 in their Jan Dhan accounts within three weeks o f the lockdown being declared. Farmers registered for PM-KISAN also received Rs2,000 in their accounts immediately.
  2. Data from round-3 of the NCAER Delhi Coronavirus Telephonic Survey (DCVTS-3), covering a sample of 3,466 households in June in the Delhi NCR area, suggests that 21 percent of farm households received transfers through PMKISAN.
  3. However,42 percent of such households belonged to the wealthiest one-third of the sample, while another 28.5 per cent belonged to the middle third.
  4. Similarly, for the PMJDY payment, BPL and non-BPL households record similar receipt transfers.

HOW TO GET RID OF PROBLEM

  1. Direct benefit transfer by various schemes of government should check directly by different authority.
  2. In the era of technology, every citizen should know how to use internet, internet banking, online classis and other. This is main aspect to get rid of problem because many poor who are included in government schemes like PMGDY, PMKISAN not received proper benefits of scheme only because they depended on others.
  3. Social education about poverty , poor people, problems of vulnerable sections should include in syllabus. So that from beginning of their  preparation of education children can understand the situation of society. This can inspire them to work for society through various initiatives.

 

CONCLUSION

  1. These observations outline the twin challenges in designing social safety nets that reach the most vulnerable and can be activated effectively when disaster strikes. Unless a registry containing data about individuals and their bank accounts exists, money can not be transferred expeditiously.
  2. About 40 percent of the poor in 2012 were pushed into poverty by special circumstances and would not have been classified as being poor based on their 2005 conditions.
  3. Such exclusion errors can get magnified in the event of large-scale disasters when using pre-existing databases, since many people are likely to fall into poverty from an economy-wide negative shock, leading to coverage errors.
  4. Recent estimates from the World Bank suggest that 88 to 115 million people could slide into poverty in2020,which presents a daunting challenge for targeting welfare beneficiaries.