IAS/UPSC Coaching Institute  

Editorial 1: The issue with delimitation’s population-based process

Context

The emphasis should move towards understanding the true meaning of 'representation' in a constituency and implementing measures like empowering the third tier of elected governance.

 

Introduction

Delimitation, as mentioned in Articles 82 and 170 of the Indian Constitution, has sparked strong reactions—some thoughtful, others quite absurd. The serious concerns arise from what the Constitution says and what might happen if it's followed exactly as written. On the other hand, some absurd reactions include people urging others to have more children quickly out of fear of being outnumbered.

 

Delimitation Debate: Balancing Constitutional Mandates and Federal Concerns

  • The delimitation issue needs a calm, objective view despite rising emotions.
  • Some who once accused the government of ignoring the Constitution now want it to delay following it—an ironic reversal.
  • The Constitution mandates seat and constituency readjustment after each census, for both Lok Sabha and State Assemblies.
  • This was postponed until 2026 through the 42nd Amendment and later changes; the next census will guide future delimitation.
  • Southern States fear losing representation, though evidence is limited—their concerns still merit attention.
  • A key debate centers on whether population-based seat allocation undermines federalism.
  • A purely population-driven approach could favor States with faster growth.

 

Lok Sabha Seat Changes Over the Years

Election Year

Total Seats

Changes from Previous

States That Lost Seats

States/UTs That Gained Seats

Remarks

1951–52

489

First General Election

1957

494

+5

Based on delimitation

1967(based on 1961 Census)

520

+31, -5

Andhra Pradesh (43 → 41), Madras (41 → 39), Uttar Pradesh (86 → 85)

Assam, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kerala, Mysore, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh

Included new States/UTs like Haryana, J&K, Nagaland, Pondicherry, etc.

1971

518

-2

Himachal Pradesh

Minor adjustment

1977

542

+24

Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kerala, MP, Karnataka, Orissa, Rajasthan, WB, Haryana; Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram

Major expansion

2004

543

+1

Daman and Diu

Latest change; current strength

 

What needs to be considered

  • Any meaningful debate on delimitation must address:
    • Use of population as the basis for seat allocation
    • Effect of public policy on population-based criteria
    • The representative quality of elected officials

 

Trends in Representation (1951–2024)

Year

Lok Sabha Seats

Avg. Population per MP

Vidhan Sabha Seats

Avg. Population per MLA

1951

489

~7.32 lakh

3,283

1967

520

~8.70 lakh

1977

542

~10.10 lakh

2024

543

~27 lakh

4,123

~Tripled since 1951

  • In 2024, with ~98 crore electors:
    • Each MP represents ~18 lakh electors
    • Range: Lakshadweep (~57,760 electors) vs Malkajgiri (~29.5 lakh electors)

 

Issues with Purely Population-Based Representation

  • While population is the primary basis for delimitation, it’s not applied rigidly:
    • Other factors like geography and political boundaries are also considered.
  • Unlike earlier voting rights based on religion or education, population offers a neutral, inclusive basis.
  • But is this principle so sacred that it can’t be adjusted to avoid:
    • Regional discontent
    • Imbalance in federal representation
    • Distortion in parliamentary structure?
  • The Finance Commission, unlike delimitation, updates its criteria regularly to:
    • Reflect regional aspirations
    • Address national priorities
    • Adapt to changing realities

 

What Does It Mean to ‘Represent’ a Constituency?

  • Representation is not solely defined by population size.
  • Elected MPs/MLAs have the same powers, regardless of how many people they represent.
  • Functions like law-makingasking questions, and committee participation are uniform.
  • No evidence suggests smaller constituencies are better served than larger ones.
    • Example: No proof that voters in Narnaul (1.6 lakh) are better served than those in Badshahpur (5.2 lakh).
  • Instead of demanding more MPs based on population, focus should be on:
    • Empowering local bodies (Panchayats, Municipalities)
    • Devolving authority for better governance
  • Third-tier representation may be more effective than inflating the size of national/state legislatures based on a population fetish.

 

A primary criterion that needs moderation

  • Issue: Using population as the sole criterion needs moderation due to centrally driven population control policies.
  • Fairness Concern: States successful in population control should not be penalized.
  • Need: A deflator is required to offset population-based advantages.
  • Analogy: Like real GDP is adjusted for inflation, a divisor should adjust for population growth.
  • Illustration: Based on 1977 average (10.10 lakh/seat), the 2024 population implies ~1,440 Lok Sabha seats.
  • Adjustment: Dividing by national Total Fertility Rate (TFR) reduces this to ~680 seats.
  • Application: Use State-level TFR data to adjust each state's population impact.
  • RecommendationExperts can propose a more refined formula for equitable representation.

 

Conclusion

If Parliament can debate constitutional amendments solely intended to achieve managerial efficiency in conducting elections, it can certainly deliberate on addressing the structural political imbalance resulting from population-based delimitation of constituencies.