Quit India Movement and Wavell Plan
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT AND WAVELL PLAN
In this unit
We will delve into the Quit India Movement, its nature, regional leaders, underground activities, Parallel Governments formed, severe government repression, C Rajagopalachari’s Formula, Simla Conference of 1945, Subash Chandra Bose and the INA, Elections of 1945-46, and Wavell’s Plan.
The failure of ‘Cripps mission’ was one of the key factors contributing towards Gandhiji’s decision to call for ‘Bharat Chhodo Andolan’ (Quit India Movement) on August 8, 1942. The movement was initiated with a hope of attaining immediate independence from the British. Gandhiji’s call for immediate independence was also heavily influenced by his fear of a possible Japanese invasion of India and the supposed British inability to defend India during such a situation. It is also known as the August Movement or August Kranti.
NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT
This movement was projected initially as the mass civil disobedience movement of 1942. The emphasis on the ‘mass’ aspect distinguished it from the controlled and limited individual satyagrahas or civil disobedience of 1941.
The movement differed radically from other movements launched by Mahatma Gandhi.
The Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-22 and the Civil- Disobedience Movement of 1930-34 were conceived as campaigns of peaceful resistance to British rule in India. Their social base had expanded gradually to accommodate wider popular participation.
However, the 1942 movement from the very beginning was a massive uprising to compel the British to withdraw entirely from India. The emphasis in the struggle was not on traditional Satyagraha but on ‘fight to the finish’.
The Quit India movement did not have a strong agrarian dimension because the duration of the struggle was cut
short by the massive repression that was unleashed by the colonial state. While the Non- Cooperation and Civil Disobedience movements had involved the peasantry.
The 1942 movement was less ambiguous in its declared objectives. It was launched to ensure the complete withdrawal of British power from India.
The projected struggle had four main features: ➤ It was accommodative of violence directed against the state; ➤ It aimed at destroying British rule in India. Unlike earlier movements when Gandhiji had asked trained satyagrahis to join the movements, anybody who believed in the complete independence of the country could join it now; ➤ Students were urged to play a prominent part and to lead the movement should senior Congress leaders be arrested; and ➤ The movement was to be marked by total defiance of government authority.
The difference from the earlier movements has been well-established in the rich scholarship on the movement.
In the official and the non-official historiography, most of the debate centres around ‘spontaneity’ vs. ‘organisation’ argument or the degree of violence and non-violence in the ‘Congress rebellion’.
The government was keen to denounce Gandhiji on charges of planning subversion and prepared a ground for the implementation of the Revolutionary Movement Ordinance.
In fact, official sources had reported that the CSP workers had worked out modalities in a meeting in Allahabad in July 1941 for a radical course of action in Feb 1942.
The plan of action came to be known as the Deoli Plan of Jai Prakash Narayan because the latter had reasoned from his Deoli Jail cell that nationalist unity could be revived if Gandhiji were to plan a radical course of action rather than a Satyagraha. These papers were seized and used as evidence of the revolutionary plot planned by the CSP.
THE ‘QUIT INDIA’ RESOLUTION
In July 1942, the Congress Working Committee met at Wardha and resolved that it would authorise Gandhiji to take charge of the non-violent mass movement.
The resolution is generally referred to as the ‘Quit India’ resolution. Proposed by Jawaharlal Nehru and seconded by Sardar Patel, it was to be approved by the All-India Congress Committee meeting in Bombay in August.
The Quit India Resolution was ratified at the Congress meeting at Gowalia Tank, Bombay, on August 8, 1942. The meeting also resolved to
Demand an immediate end to British rule in India. ➤ Declare commitment of free India to defend itself against all types of fascism and imperialism. ➤ Form a provisional Government of India after British withdrawal. ➤ Sanction a civil disobedience movement against British rule. ➤ Gandhiji was named the leader of the struggle.
Gandhiji’s General Instructions to Different Sections:
Gandhiji’s special instructions were spelt out at the Gowalia Tank meeting but not actually issued. They were directed at various sections of society.
Government servants: Do not resign but declare your allegiance to the Congress.
Soldiers: Do not leave the Army but do not fire on compatriots.
Students: If confident, leave studies.
Peasants: If zamindars are anti-government, pay mutually agreed rent, and if zamindars are pro-government, do not pay rent.
Princes: Support the masses and accept the sovereignty of your people.
Princely states’ people: Support the ruler only if he is anti-government and declare yourselves to be a part of the Indian nation. Gandhiji followed up with the now-famous exhortation: “Here is a mantra, a short one, that I give you. You may imprint it on your hearts and let every breath of yours give expression to it. The mantra is: ‘Do or Die’. We shall either free India or die in the attempt; we shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery.”
Regional aspects of the movement
The Quit India Movement had two phases: an initial mass movement phase from August until September, followed by a longer quasi-guerrilla insurgency phase.
In the cities, strike action continued from 9-14 August in Bombay and in Calcutta from 10-17 August. There were strikes in Kanpur, Lucknow and Nagpur and violent clashes with striking millworkers in Delhi. In Patna, the police almost completely lost control over the city for two days after clashes.
Those activists who had not been arrested, including militant groups of students spread out from the cities to join the insurrection in rural areas.
Mass participation was inspired by inflammatory underground publications, such as the Bombay Provincial Bulletin, Free India, War of India Bulletin, Do or Die News-sheet, Free State of India Gazette and the Congress Gazette which flourished after the official Congress leadership had been imprisoned and their offices, assets and printing presses seized.
In most places the movement declined within two to four weeks from 9 August 1942. This was due to both government repression through the army and the police and because the leaders responsible for guiding the movement failed to consolidate the spirit of rebellion among the people.
In Western India the movement was slow to grow in August 1942. But as it gained momentum it continued into 1943 and in some cases even longer.
In districts such as East Khandesh, Satara, Broach and Surat large number of peasants took part in guerrilla-style attacks on government property, lines of communication, and people known to be sympathetic to British rule. Western India also took a lead in bomb and sabotage activities.
The strong bases of the Congress were Ahmedabad, Baroda and Surat cities, the districts of Kheda and Surat and the Jambusar taluka of Broach district.
One important group from the viewpoint of the movement was the Gujarat Vyayam Prachark Mandal (Gujarat Society for the Propagation of Physical Training). Its leader, Chhotubhai Purani was associated with extremist nationalist organisations. He founded a network of gymnasiums throughout Gujarat in which boys and young men were taught that they should train both their bodies and minds to fight the British.
In addition to the open clashes in Kheda, there was widespread cutting of telegraph wire and other minor acts of sabotage on public property. Kheda was the most disturbed district in the Bombay Presidency during August.
In Baroda State, by 17 August the moderate Praja Mandal leaders were forced by popular pressure to declare their support for the Quit India Movement. On 18 August when the organisation was banned and the leaders were arrested there were turbulent demonstrations. The underground movement remained strong.
Relationship between the working classes and middle-class nationalist remained cordial. Most powerful of labour unions were with Majur Mahajan Sangh which was closely connected with the Congress for over two decades. In 1942, it organised protests and strikes for the political cause and not for higher wages.
In Bihar and eastern UP as elsewhere, the cities were the first to experience action in the course of 1942 disturbances. There was intense rioting in the cities between 8-10 August. Then the focus shifted to the rural areas. Large crowds of armed villagers converged on the semi-isolated administrative centres in the localities and targeted the police posts and the local courts at the district and tehsil level.
In Satara, in western Maharashtra, the Satyashodhak Samaj founded by the reformer Jyotiba Phule in the late nineteenth century provided the base and the main striking force to the Quit India movement.
The Quit India Movement in Medinipur in Bengal and the famine of 1943 are the two most significant markers of the turbulence that gripped Bengal during 1940-44. Highhandedness by the state in the wake of World War II, administrative apathy and widespread hunger and destitution provided the context for heightened public anger and protests. The provincial coalition government of the Krishak Praja Party (KPP) and the Muslim League under the leadership of the premier Fazlul Huq implemented the Defence of India Rule.
Following Gandhiji’s arrest, the students of Calcutta like their counterparts in Bombay and Bihar vented their anger on services crucial to the war efforts. Interestingly, while the Calcutta Tramways, declared an essential service for the war period, were damaged, buses were ignored, Telegraph wires, railway lines and post offices were damaged. The Priority Classes Scheme which provided for the industrial working- class of the cities also contributed to the relative lack of continued participation in the movement by industrial labour.
Underground Activity
The underground movement grew very strong in Bihar and proved to be a major law and order problem for the British during 1942-44. Despite severe repression several terrorist organisations and dacoit gangs were formed in different parts of Bihar by 1943. Many of these groups had links with the Congress Socialist Party. They allied with socialist groups called ‘Azad Dastas’ and carried out activities in the name of the Congress.
Many nationalists went underground and took to subversive activities. The participants in these activities were the Socialists, Forward Bloc members, Gandhiji ashramites, revolutionary nationalists and local organisations in Bombay, Poona, Satara, Baroda and other parts of Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra, United Provinces, Bihar and Delhi.
The main personalities taking up underground activity were Rammanohar Lohia, Jayaprakash Narayan, Aruna Asaf Ali, Usha Mehta, Biju Patnaik, Chhotubhai Puranik, Achyut Patwardhan, Sucheta Kripalani and R.P. Goenka.
Usha Mehta started an underground radio in Bombay.
This phase of underground activity was meant to keep up popular morale by continuing to provide a line of command and guidance to distribute arms and ammunition.
Parallel Governments
Parallel governments were established at many places:
Jayaprakash Narayan, one of the founding members of CSP, escaped from the prison in Nepal in November in 1942, and with the assistance of another socialist leader, Rammanohar Lohia, formed a parallel government on the Nepal border which lasted till 1944.
In the neighbouring regions of Eastern UP, mainly the Ballia district, police stations were captured and a ‘national government’ was declared under the leadership of Chittu Pandey.
The Congress had a strong presence in Medinipur in West Bengal since the days of the Non-Cooperation Movement. Amidst the rising tensions in 1942, the most significant development in Medinipur was the formation of a parallel government with the formidable name ‘Mahabharata Yuktarashtra: Tamralipta Jatiya Sarkar’. The government remained functional till 1944. Biplabi, the underground newsletter of the Jatiya Sarkar reported on atrocities on women by the military and the police mainly to stifle protest.
The Satara movement (mid-1943 to 1945), known as the “Prati Sarkar” or Parallel Government, was organised under leaders like Y.B. Chavan, Nana Patil, etc. The activities of the Prati Sarkar included people’s courts or nyayadan mandals as well as various types of armed activities and constructive programmes. They were organised into groups that were in touch with socialist groups of Bombay and established structures that included volunteer squads organised as Rashtra Seva Dal, Tufan Dal etc.
Opposition
Not surprisingly, Gandhiji’s ‘Quit India Movement’ faced opposition from several Indians, who chose not to support the movement for various reasons.
The Congress’ draft that proposed massive civil disobedience if the country doesn’t attain immediate independence was opposed by the prominent leader and Gandhiji’s loyalist, Chakravarti Rajgopalachari, who chose to quit the Congress.
Leaders like Maulana Azad and Jawaharlal Nehru were apprehensive of the call, they chose to remain loyal to Gandhiji and believed in the Mahatma’s decision.
Other leaders, including Allama Mashriqi opposed the Congress Working Committee’s resolution, stating that the movement was ‘pre-mature.’ He also said the Congress must first hold a discussion with the ‘Muslim League’ pertaining to the creation of Pakistan and should then consider all the other groups in order to make a demand to free India.
Several political groups, such as the ‘Muslim League,’ ‘Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,’ ‘Hindu Mahasabha,’ and the ‘Communist Party of India’ did not support the movement.
While the ‘Hindu Mahasabha’ stated that the movement would bring about internal disorder, the ‘Communist Party of India’ supported the British during the war as it wanted to support the Soviet Union in its battles against the Hitler- led Nazi Germany.
Led by M.S. Golwalkar, RSS failed to join the movement as it did not want to go against the ruling government. This decision by the RSS attracted criticisms from the general public as well as from certain important members of the RSS itself. However, the organization continued its stance against the ‘Quit India Movement,’ which pleased the British authorities.
The Princely states showed a low-key response.
What further weakened the movement was the fact that many Indian businessmen and students also did not support the movement. The businessmen supported the war as they were enjoying huge profits through heavy wartime spending, while many students simply ignored the movement as they were focused on the progression of Subhas Chandra Bose in his effort to free India.
Extent of Mass Participation
Young individuals, particularly school and college students, played a leading role in the movement.
Women, including students like Aruna Asaf Ali, Sucheta Kripalani, and Usha Mehta, actively took part in the struggle.
Workers staged strikes despite facing severe repression.
Peasants from all backgrounds were central to the movement, targeting symbols of authority without any anti-zamindar violence. Even some zamindars supported the cause.
Lower-ranking government officials in the police and administration participated, weakening the government’s loyalty.
Muslims supported the movement by sheltering underground activists, and there were no instances of communal violence during this period.
Government repression
The Revolutionary Movements’ Ordinance, signed by the Viceroy on 12 August 1942, aimed to suppress the Quit India Movement.
However, its issuance in the Gazette of India was delayed as many provinces argued that they could manage with powers under the Defence of India Rules (DIR).
Martial Law was not declared because civilian officials already had the necessary plenipotentiary powers to control the uprising.
The government also enforced the Special Criminal Courts Ordinance II of 1942, initially intended for cases arising from Axis attacks, to handle disturbances from 26 October 1942.
This ordinance allowed special criminal courts to operate with summary jurisdiction over suspected offenders, leading to imprisonment for up to two years with limited appeal rights.
By 1944, the majority of demonstrations associated with the movement had been suppressed, with prominent Congress leaders, including Gandhiji, being imprisoned, and many facing isolation for over three years.
Evaluation
The key centers of the movement were in eastern United Provinces, Bihar, Midnapore, Maharashtra, and Karnataka.
Students, workers, and peasants formed the core of the movement, while the upper classes and bureaucracy largely remained loyal to the government.
The movement significantly weakened government loyalty, highlighting the deep roots of nationalism in the country.
It demonstrated that governing India without the consent of its people was no longer feasible.
A major achievement of the movement was placing the demand for independence at the forefront of the national agenda, making retreat impossible after Quit India.
The common people showed extraordinary bravery and determination despite facing brutal repression and operating under extremely challenging conditions.
Gandhiji's Fast
In February 1943, Gandhiji began a fast in response to the government’s call to denounce violence, aiming to protest the State's use of violence. The fast elicited an immediate and widespread reaction from the public. Hartals, demonstrations, and strikes were organized both within India and abroad. Three members of the viceroy’s executive council stepped down. The fast led to the following outcomes:
Boosted public morale.
Intensified anti-British sentiment.
Created opportunities for political engagement.
Highlighted the oppressive actions of the government.
RAJAGOPALACHARI FORMULA
Meanwhile, efforts were on to solve the ongoing constitutional crisis, and some individuals also tried to come up with constitutional proposals.
The Formula
In 1944, C. Rajagopalachari (CR), a senior Congress leader, devised a plan to foster Congress-League cooperation, which implicitly acknowledged the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan. Gandhiji endorsed this proposal. The key points of the CR Plan were:
The Muslim League would support the Congress’s demand for India’s independence.
The League would work with Congress to establish a provisional central government.
Following the war, a plebiscite would be held in Muslim-majority areas in the North-West and North-East to determine whether they wished to form a separate sovereign state.
If partition was accepted, both parties would jointly agree on measures to safeguard matters such as defense, trade, and communications.
These conditions would take effect only if Britain granted full independence to India.
Objections
Jinnah demanded that the Congress acknowledge the two-nation theory. He insisted that only Muslims in the North-West and North-East should participate in the plebiscite, excluding the rest of the population, and rejected the concept of a common central authority.
While the Congress was willing to collaborate with the League for India's independence as a unified nation, the League prioritized the creation of a separate state over the independence of the Union.
Hindu leaders, led by Vir Savarkar, strongly criticized the CR Plan.
DESAI-LIAQUAT PACT
Efforts to resolve the deadlock persisted. Bhulabhai Desai, the Congress Party leader in the Central Legislative Assembly, held discussions with Liaqat Ali Khan, the Muslim League’s deputy leader in the Assembly. Together, they drafted a proposal for forming an interim central government, which included:
Equal representation from Congress and the League in the central legislature.
20% of the seats reserved for minorities. Although no agreement was reached between the Congress and the League based on this proposal, the concept of parity between the two parties had significant and lasting implications.
SHIMLA CONFERENCE OF 1945
The Viceroy, Lord Wavell, had been laying the ground for a political settlement which would be in place before the War ended. was of the view that a successful settlement of the Indian question would strengthen the future security of the Empire, ensure British prestige in the East, and even lead to India remaining within the Commonwealth.
Soon after being released from prison in June 1945, important Congress leaders headed towards Shimla, the summer capital of the Raj, to participate in the Conference convened by the Viceroy.
Gandhiji took the line that he did not hold any official position in the Congress and that Maulana Azad, the Congress President, would be the Congress representative. However, he, Gandhiji, would be present in Shimla to advise the Viceroy during the Conference, should he so desire.
The Muslim League was represented, among others, by its pre-eminent leader, Mahomed Ali Jinnah.
The crucial point at issue at the Shimla Conference was Jinnah’s contention that the Muslim League was the sole spokesman for Muslims. Congress insisted on its right to represent Muslims, including nationalist Muslims, a venerable one being Maulana Azad, the President of the Congress.
The British also found it difficult to ignore the claims of the Unionist Party of the Punjab, which represented Muslim landlords of West Punjab and Hindu smallholders of South East Punjab, and had contributed handsomely to the War effort in men and money.
Jinnah insisted on his position as sole spokesman of Muslims being upheld and the Viceroy chose to ditch the Unionist allies of the British in favour of Jinnah and the League, whom they had helped during the War to make quick strides.
WAVELL PLAN PROPOSALS
All members of the executive council, except the governor-general and the commander-in-chief, would be Indians.
Equal representation would be given to caste Hindus and Muslims.
The restructured council would operate as an interim government under the framework of the 1935 Act, without being accountable to the Central Assembly.
The governor-general would use the veto power based on the advice of the ministers.
Parties were required to submit a joint list of nominees for the executive council to the viceroy, or separate lists if consensus was not achieved.
Discussions on drafting a new constitution would remain open for consideration after the conclusion of the war.
Muslim League’s Stand
The Muslim League insisted that all Muslim representatives be chosen exclusively from its own nominees, as it feared that the alignment of other minority groups such as the Depressed Classes, Sikhs, and Christians with the Congress would diminish the League’s influence, reducing it to merely one-third representation. (Wavell, however, preferred Khizr Hyat Khan to represent Muslims from Western Punjab.) Additionally, the League demanded a form of veto power in the council, proposing that any decision not favored by Muslims should require a two-thirds majority to pass.
Congress Stand
The Congress criticized the plan, describing it as an effort to diminish its role to that of a solely caste Hindu party. It firmly asserted its right to nominate members from all communities.
Wavell’s Mistake
Wavell declared the talks unsuccessful, effectively granting the League a veto. This move bolstered the League's standing, as reflected in the 1945-46 elections, strengthened Jinnah’s leadership, and revealed the true nature of Churchill’s Conservative government.
SUBHASH CHANDRA BOSE AND INA [1941-1945]
Subhash Chandra Bose consistently displayed a militant attitude and strongly opposed any form of disrespect towards Indians by Europeans. He passed the Indian Civil Services examination with the fourth position but resigned from the service in 1921 to join the freedom struggle as a member of the Congress.
Chittaranjan Das was his political mentor, and Bose became the mayor of Calcutta in 1923. He was frequently jailed by the British authorities.
In March 1940, Bose convened the Anti-Compromise Conference at Ramgarh, a collaborative effort between the Forward Bloc and the Kisan Sabha.
The conference resolved to launch a worldwide struggle on April 6, the first day of National Week, calling on people to refrain from aiding the Imperialist War with any resources men, money, or materials.
The resistance led to enthusiastic participation by the people, beginning on April 6.
Bose was arrested in July when he protested and tried to launch a satyagraha against a proposed monument for Holwell in Calcutta.
After a hunger strike, he was released from prison and placed under house arrest in December 1940. In January 1941, it was reported that Bose had escaped. On January 26, 1941, he reached Peshawar using the pseudonym Ziauddin, aided by Bhagat Ram.
Later, it was revealed that Bose had left India to continue the struggle from abroad. He reportedly sought assistance from Russia in the fight for India’s independence from Britain.
In June 1941, when Russia joined the Allies in the war, Bose’s hopes were dashed. He subsequently traveled to Germany.
In Germany, Bose met Hitler using the pseudonym Orlando Mazzotta. With German support, the ‘Freedom Army’ (Mukti Sena) was formed, consisting of Indian-origin prisoners of war captured by Germany and Italy.
Dresden, Germany, became the headquarters of the Freedom Army. Bose was affectionately called ‘Netaji’ by the people of Germany. From the Free India Centre in Germany, he gave his famous slogan, ‘Jai Hind’.
THE INDIAN NATIONAL ARMY (INA)
The INA was conceived of by the Japanese to fulfil several functions in the war effort against the Allies. INA units were formed to demoralise and weaken the British- Indian Army.
The INA was formed as a result of the efforts of three men: Major Iwaichi Fujiwara of the Imperial Japanese Army, Captain Mohan Singh of the British Indian Army and Pritam Singh of the Indian Independence League (IIL).
Together with Pritam Singh, Fujiwara conceived of plans to form an Indian nationalist army from Indian prisoners of war taken during the Malayan campaign. The first body of men they encountered were those led by Mohan Singh.
Following several weeks of negotiations, Mohan Singh agreed to join Fujiwara and assumed leadership of the burgeoning INA on New Year’s Eve 1941.
Two conferences demonstrated the disparity in intentions between the Indian nationalists and the Imperial Japanese government.
These were the Bangkok and Tokyo conferences of 1942.
The Tokyo conference was held in March 1942 and sought to unite the Indian overseas nationalist movement. It was held at the suggestion of Rash Behari Bose. Bose was himself a prominent Indian nationalist leader who lived in exile in Japan.
The conference decided that the Indian Independence League would be the representative body of all Indians living in East Asia.
The Bangkok conference of 15 June 1942 was essentially organised by Indian nationalists recognised the parameters of a working relationship with the Japanese government.
Thirty- nine resolutions were tabled for Japanese consent. These included terms which stated the IIL was to be declared the political arm of the Indian nationalist movement, while the INA was to be the military wing. The Council of Action of the IIL was to be headed by Rash Behari Bose while Mohan Singh headed the INA. The Japanese never categorically approved any of the resolutions.
The gulf which existed between Japanese intentions regarding the INA and Indian expectations of what the organization was led to misunderstandings and disagreements which provoked the dissolution of the first INA.
THE SECOND INA
The Second Indian National Army (INA) was officially established in July 1943 under the leadership of Subhas Chandra Bose.
Subhash Bose traveled to Singapore, where Rash Behari Bose transferred the control and leadership of the Indian Independence League and the INA to him in July 1943.
On October 21, 1943, Subhash Bose formed the Provisional Government for Free India in Singapore, which included H.C. Chatterjee (Finance), M.A. Aiyar (Broadcasting), and Lakshmi Swaminathan (Women’s Department). The famous slogan, “Give me blood, I will give you freedom,” was given in Malaya. The provisional government declared war on Britain and the United States, and was recognized by the Axis powers.
Bose sought to maximize the INA’s fighting capability by reorganizing its structure to enhance its military potential, with Japanese material support as a key component.
The INA was divided into four regiments.
The 1st INA Regiment consisted of three battalions supported by light armor, field artillery, and mortars, tasked with engaging the British in open combat.
The 2nd, 3rd, and 4th regiments were designated as guerrilla units, focusing on spreading discontent among civilians and harassing British forces on the battlefield.
In addition to the regular regiments, Bose established a regiment of all-female soldiers called the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, named after the Indian heroine who resisted British forces during the 1857 uprising.
In January 1944, the INA headquarters was relocated to Rangoon (Burma), with troops preparing to march towards Delhi with the war cry “Chalo Delhi!”
On November 6, 1943, the Japanese army handed over the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to the INA, which were renamed Shahid Dweep and Swaraj Dweep.
On July 6, 1944, Subhas Bose addressed Mahatma Gandhi as the ‘Father of the Nation’ during a broadcast on Azad Hind Radio, marking the first use of this term for Gandhiji. Bose sought Gandhiji’s blessings for “India’s last war of independence.”
During the Imphal Campaign, one INA battalion led by Shah Nawaz accompanied the Japanese Army to the Indo-Burma front. However, the INA units faced discriminatory treatment from the Japanese, including denial of rations and arms, leading to demoralization.
The INA crossed the Burma border and reached Indian soil on March 18, 1944, advancing up to Kohima and Imphal. On April 14, Colonel Malik hoisted the INA flag at Moirang, Manipur, where the INA Memorial Complex now stands. For three months, the INA managed military administration duties at Moirang until Allied forces reclaimed the territory. The INA eventually surrendered along with the Japanese on August 18, 1945, marking the end of its role as a fighting force.
INA TRIALS
The British Army launched the first of the trials against captured members of the Subhas Chandra Bose-led Indian National Army (INA) in November 1945.
First in the dock were three top captured INA members, Shahnawaz Khan, Prem Sahgal and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon. They were jointly charged with waging war against the nation (Section 121 of IPC) and were individually charged for murder and abetment to murder.
But the ensuing media attention of the case, also called the Red Fort trials, resulted in many Indians getting acquainted with a force that had fought for independence. It led to sympathy for the INA across the country, and before long, demonstrations began springing up in different parts in solidarity with the captured troops.
As compelling as the arguments of the defence were, the three INA members were found guilty of waging a war. They were, however, not given the death sentence but dismissed from service and handed transportation for life, which too was remitted. The three INA members were then released and welcomed as heroes, with the Congress showing full support in the celebration.
Congress Support for INA Prisoners
Jawaharlal Nehru hailed them as misguided patriots and called for leniency given that big changes were imminent in India. The Congress followed this up by passing a resolution in support of the cause.
Well known Congress leaders like Bhulabhai Desai, K.N. Katju, M. Asaf Ali and Jawaharlal Nehru argued the case in court when the trials began at the historic Red Fort.
In addition to legal help, Congress organised relief funds and arranged employment for the INA men. Congress election meetings were often indistinguishable from INA meetings. Q. In the context of Colonial India, Shah Nawaz Khan, Prem Kumar Sehgal and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon are remembered as (UPSC CSE-2021) (a) Leaders of Swadeshi and Boycott Movement (b) Members of the Interim Government in 1946 (c) Members of the Drafting Committee in the Constituent Assembly (d) Officers of the Indian National Army Answer - d
Public reaction
The campaign for release of INA prisoners garnered massive public support.
Pamphlets with titles like ‘Patriots Not Traitors’ were circulated widely and posters were put up in Delhi threatening death to ‘20 English dogs’ for every INA man sentenced.
So extensive was the mobilisation around the INA issue that in the first fortnight of October, 160 public meetings were held in C.P. and Berar alone where the demand for clemency to the prisoners was raised. INA Day was observed on 12 November and INA week from 5th to 11th November.
All parties came out in support of the cause, from the Congress to the Ahrars, Akalis, Communist Party of India, Hindu Mahasabha, Justice Party, Muslim League, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Sikh League and the Unionists.
Perhaps the most important aspect of the INA campaign was that it included social groups that had not been within the nationalist fold till then. These included government officials and men from the armed forces as well as loyalists.
ELECTIONS OF 1945-46
The hopes for some political advance, dashed by the failure of the Shimla Conference, once again revived with the coming to power of the Labour Party in Britain.
An important initiative taken by the Labour Government was the declaration that elections to the central and provincial assemblies would be held in the winter of 1945 and spring of 1946.
The main parties in the contest were the Congress and the Muslim League.
Congress leaders were divided on the issue of how-to best contest Muslim seats. Maulana Azad felt there was an advantage in going along with nationalist Muslim organisations. Jawaharlal Nehru went along with Vallabhbhai Patel who felt the Congress should go it alone. In practice, the Congress joined Nationalist Muslim Boards and worked out sharing of seats with Ahrars, Jamiat-ul-Ulema and Momins, etc.
The election campaign became a massive exercise in mobilisation of the people.
A major issue taken up in the election campaign related to the unprecedented repression witnessed against the 1942 movement.
The second issue taken up in the election campaign was that of the fate of the members of Subhas Bose’s Indian National Army taken prisoner by the Allies and put on trial for brutalities and war crimes.
Elections Results
In the elections to the central assembly in December 1945, out of 102 seats, Congress won 57, League 30, Independents 5, Akalis 2 and Europeans 8.
In the elections to the provincial assemblies, Congress won 923 of 1585 seats, 23 of 38 labour seats but was defeated by the Muslim League in the Muslim seats.
The Congress was to go on to form governments in the provinces of Madras, Bombay, United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, Central Provinces and Berar and NWFP.
The League formed ministries in Bengal and Sind. In Punjab, after the elections of 1946, some negotiations between Muslim League and Akalis were carried out with a possible coalition in mind. This had been unsuccessful and Akalis joined with Unionists and Congress to form a coalition ministry.
Significant Features of Elections
The elections witnessed communal voting in contrast to the strong anti-British unity shown in various upsurges due to
Separate electorates; and
Limited franchise for the provinces, less than 10 percent of the population could vote and for the Central Assembly, less than 1 percent of the population was eligible.
POPULAR UPSURGES
For the release of the INA prisoners the movement took another turn in November 1945 and February 1946 when there were violent clashes with authority. There were three major upsurges—
November 21, 1945—in Calcutta over the INA trials
February 11, 1946—in Calcutta against the seven- year sentence to INA officer Rashid Ali.
February 18, 1946—in Bombay, strike by the Royal Indian Navy ratings.
Three-Stage Pattern
All three upsurges showed a similar three-stage pattern. Stage I: When a Group Defies Authority and is Repressed
On November 21, 1945, a surge of protests began with a procession of students from Hindu and Muslim communities, including members of the Forward Bloc, Students Federation, and Islamia College. They occupied Dalhousie Square, the administrative center in Calcutta, and were met with lathi charges when they refused to disperse. In response, the protestors threw stones and bricks. The police then opened fire, resulting in the deaths of two individuals.
On February 11, 1946, a combined procession of Muslim League, Congress, and Communist students marched to protest the trial of Rashid Ali. The confrontation took place on Dharamtolla Street in Calcutta, where Section 144 was imposed. Arrests and lathi charges occurred, drawing sympathy from people across the city and the country. These gatherings often escalated into attacks on government and European property.
On February 18,1946, 1,100 Royal Indian Navy (RIN) ratings of HMIS Talwar went on strike in protest against the mistreatment they faced. Their grievances included: ➤ Racial humiliation and demands for equal pay for Indian and white soldiers. ➤ Poor food quality. ➤ Abuse by superior officers. ➤ The arrest of a rating for writing ‘Quit India’ on HMIS Talwar. ➤ Trials of Indian National Army (INA) members. ➤ The deployment of Indian troops in Indonesia, demanding their withdrawal.
The rebellious ratings hoisted the tricolour, crescent, and hammer and sickle flags on the mast of the rebel fleet. More ratings joined the protest, and they moved around Bombay in lorries carrying Congress flags, intimidating Europeans and policemen. Shopkeepers provided them with food and supplies, showcasing widespread public support. Stage II: When the City People Join In This phase was marked by a virulent anti-British mood resulting in the virtual paralysis of Calcutta and Bombay. There were meetings, processions, strikes, hartals, and attacks on Europeans, police stations, shops, tram depots, railway stations, banks, besides stopping of rail and road traffic by squatting on tracks and barricading of streets.
Stage III: When People in Other Parts of the Country Express Sympathy and Solidarity
While the students boycotted classes and organised hartals and processions to express sympathy with other students and the ratings, there were sympathetic strikes in military establishments in Karachi, Madras, Visakhapatnam, Calcutta, Delhi, Cochin, Jamnagar, Andamans, Bahrain and Aden.
There were strikes by the Royal Indian Air Force in Bombay, Poona, Calcutta, Jessore and Ambala.
Patel and Jinnah persuaded the ratings to surrender on February 23 with an assurance that national parties would prevent any victimisation.
Evaluation of Potential and Impact of the Three Upsurges
These events had a liberating impact on the consciousness of ordinary Indians.
The participation in these movements was mainly limited to militant sections of society within urban centers. They did not directly reach the ordinary people in rural villages.
The unity displayed between Hindu and Muslim communities, although significant, was more of an organizational unity. The Muslim League actively supported the cause of Rashid Ali, a Muslim member of the INA. Muslim ratings sought advice from Jinnah, while other ratings turned to Congress or Socialist leaders for guidance.
On December 1, 1946, the government announced that only those INA members accused of murder or brutal treatment of fellow prisoners would face trial.
Sentences for the first batch of INA members were remitted in January 1947.
Indian soldiers were withdrawn from Indo-China and Indonesia by February 1947.
A decision to send a parliamentary delegation to India was made in November 1946.
The Cabinet Mission was also decided upon in January 1946.
Congress Response
The Congress did not officially support these upsurges because of their tactics and timing.
In Gandhiji’s opinion, the mutiny was badly advised: if they mutinied for India’s freedom, they were doubly wrong; if they had any grievances, they should have waited for the guidance of leaders.
WAVELL’S “BREAKDOWN PLAN”
Wavell presented his plan to the Cabinet Mission in May 1946. It visualised a middle course between “repression” and “scuttle”.
This plan envisaged the withdrawal of the British Army and officials to the Muslim provinces of North-West and North-East and handing over the rest of the country to the Congress.
Though superseded by the Cabinet Mission Plan, Wavell’s plan was evidence of ➤ British recognition of the impossibility of suppressing any future Congress-led rebellion. ➤ desire in some high official circles to make a “Northern Ireland” of Pakistan.